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El. knyga: Argument Licensing and Agreement

(Assistant Professor of Linguistics, University of Minnesota)

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The strikingly unrestricted syntactic distribution of nouns in many Bantu languages often leads to proposals that syntactic case does not play an active role in the grammar of Bantu. This book offers a different conclusion that the basis of Zulu that Bantu languages have not only a system of structural case, but also a complex system of morphological case that is comparable to systems found in languages like Icelandic. By comparing the system of argument licensing found in Zulu to those found in more familiar languages, Halpert introduces a number of insights onto the organization of the grammar.

First, while this book argues in favor of a case-licensing analysis of Zulu, it locates the positions where case is assigned lower in the clause than what is found in nominative-accusative languages. In addition, Zulu shows evidence that case and agreement are two distinct operations in the language, located on different heads and operating independently of each other. Despite these unfamiliarities, there is evidence that the timing relationships between operations mirror those found in other languages. Second, this book proposes a novel type of morphological case that serves to mask many structural licensing effects in Zulu; the effects of this case are unfamiliar, Halpert argues that its existence is expected given the current typological picture of case. Finally, this book explores the consequences of case and agreement as dissociated operations, showing that given this situation, other unusual properties of Bantu languages, such as hyper-raising, are a natural result. This exploration yields the conclusion that some of the more unusual properties of Bantu languages in fact result from small amounts of variation to deeply familiar syntactic principles such as case, agreement, and the EPP.
List of Tables xi
Acknowledgments xiii
List of Abbreviations xv
1 Introduction 1(9)
1.1 Bantu Exceptionalism: What Varies, and Why?
1(3)
1.2 Familiarity in the Unfamiliar: Insights on Syntax and Variation
4(4)
1.3 A Note on Zulu
8(2)
2 A-movement and Phi 10(44)
2.1 Anatomy of a Nominal
11(1)
2.2 Flexible Word Order
12(2)
2.3 Subjects and Agreement
14(16)
2.3.1 Properties of vP-external Subjects
16(6)
2.3.2 Properties of vP-internal Subjects
22(6)
2.3.3 Optionality for Subjects
28(2)
2.4 Raising Constructions in Zulu
30(14)
2.4.1 Raising-to-subject
30(11)
2.4.2 Raising-to-object
41(3)
2.5 Beyond Subject Distribution: Adding Arguments
44(9)
2.6 Summary
53(1)
3 Uncovering Argument Licensing 54(64)
3.1 Nominal Distribution and Case Theory in Bantu
55(10)
3.1.1 The Profile of Abstract Case
56(4)
3.1.2 Against Standard Case Theory in Bantu
60(5)
3.2 Augmentless Nominals
65(7)
3.2.1 The Distribution of Augmentless Nominals
66(6)
3.3 Augmentless Nominal Licensing
72(18)
3.3.1 The vP-internal Restriction on Augmentless Nominals
73(5)
3.3.2 Augmentless Nominals within vP
78(11)
3.3.3 Summary
89(1)
3.4 Augmentless Nominals and the Case for Case: A Cross-linguistic Comparison
90(21)
3.4.1 Revisiting the Question of Case in Bantu
91(3)
3.4.2 Restricting Augmentless Nominals without Case?
94(7)
3.4.3 Clues from the Broader Bantu Landscape
101(10)
3.5 Augmentless Nominals as Bare Negative NPs?
111(5)
3.5.1 Syntactic Licensing of Negative Indefinites
112(4)
3.6 Summarizing the Case for Case
116(2)
4 Licensing and vP 118(60)
4.1 Introduction
118(2)
4.2 The Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation: Basic Distribution
120(20)
4.2.1 The Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation and Argument Position
123(3)
4.2.2 The Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation with Locatives and Adverbs
126(2)
4.2.3 Diagnostics for vP Edge
128(6)
4.2.4 Against a Prosodic Account of the Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation
134(3)
4.2.5 The Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation as a Marker of Syntactic Constituency
137(3)
4.3 A Familiar Signature
140(6)
4.3.1 Asymmetric Probe—Goal Relationships
143(3)
4.4 The Nature of L as a Probe
146(17)
4.4.1 The Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation and Clausal Complements
147(10)
4.4.2 The Nature of Locative and Adverb Categories
157(3)
4.4.3 The Selectiveness of L
160(3)
4.4.4 Summary
163(1)
4.5 Movement and the Timing of the Derivation
163(11)
4.5.1 Activity and the Lack of Optionality
169(5)
4.6 Investigating L and Case: Clues from Otjiherero
174(4)
5 Case Morphology in Zulu and Beyond 178(51)
5.1 Case Classification
179(5)
5.2 Structural Licensing: Recap
184(1)
5.3 Zulu Nominal Prefixes and Licensing
185(12)
5.3.1 Classification of Oblique Prefixes
186(4)
5.3.2 Structural Restrictions on Obliques
190(5)
5.3.3 Case Morphology in Zulu
195(2)
5.4 The Augment and the Role of Case Morphology in Zulu
197(7)
5.5 Case and Agreement Interactions
204(13)
5.5.1 On Agreeableness
204(2)
5.5.2 Timing of Agreement and Case
206(3)
5.5.3 The Status of Augment-permitting Prefixes
209(3)
5.5.4 Case Concord?
212(5)
5.6 Examining the Augment inside DP
217(11)
5.6.1 Augmentless nominals at the NP level
217(3)
5.6.2 DP-level processes
220(8)
5.7 Conclusion
228(1)
6 Optional Agreement and Other Consequences 229(35)
6.1 Subject Agreement: Rule and Exceptions
231(11)
6.1.1 Complex NP Subjects
232(2)
6.1.2 Raised Subjects
234(8)
6.1.3 Tallying the Score
242(1)
6.2 Understanding Optional Agreement
242(14)
6.2.1 Clausal Agreement
243(2)
6.2.2 Complex NP Subjects
245(5)
6.2.3 Raised Subjects
250(6)
6.3 EPP Insights
256(6)
6.3.1 Exotic Cases of Raising: English and Greek
259(3)
6.4 Conclusion
262(2)
7 Variation in the Syntactic Landscape 264(15)
7.1 Accounting for Zulu
264(5)
7.2 Morals for Syntactic Theory
269(10)
7.2.1 Zulu and the Organization of the Grammar
269(5)
7.2.2 Some Final Thoughts: Zulu and the Nature of Syntactic Variation
274(5)
Bibliography 279(12)
Index 291
Claire Halpert is Assistant Professor of Linguistics at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, where she joined the faculty after receiving her PhD from MIT in 2012. Her work focuses on the syntax and morphology of case and agreement, pursued from the perspective of the Bantu language family.