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El. knyga: Clausal Structure of Spanish: A Comparative Study

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This work studies various aspects of word order and clause structure in Spanish that have proved problematic for syntactic theory. These aspects are explored theoretically in light of the antisymmetry approach of Kayne (1994) and empirically by examining parallel structures in related languages. For example, the author uses antisymmetry to critique the traditional understanding of post-verbal subjects, which have assumed a right-adjunction approach. However, he provides empirical as well as theoretical reasons to believe that a combination of leftward movements constitutes a better alternative. Likewise, the study uses a number of combined theoretical and empirical arguments to provide new and more constrained analyses of overt wh -movement and pre-verbal subjects. It shows that the obligatory post-verbal positioning of overt subjects cannot be explained by recourse to a required overt head movement of the verb. Instead, the author explains this restriction by proposing that overt subjects, which are always topicalized in Spanish, conflict with the feature specifications of wh -complementizers. Finally, the author relates the obligatory topicalized nature of pre-verbal subjects in Spanish to a proposal that person agreement morphemes on the verb should be considered arguments that receive the subject theta-role. This book will be of interest to syntacticians and comparitivists, as well as scholars of Romance languages.

Recenzijos

"It provides a highly stimulating discussion of many issues relating to Romance syntax and contains new, provocative analyses." -- Kleanthes K. Grohmann, University of Frankfurt

Acknowledgements xi
Introduction
3(22)
Framework: antisymmetry
4(1)
Background: hierarchical structure and linear order
5(2)
Some Inadequacies of the Symmetric View.
7(4)
The asymmetry of specifiers
8(1)
Asymmetries in the Agreement patterns
9(1)
Asymmetries on the directionality of Head Movement
10(1)
Spec Head Complement as Universal Order
11(2)
The formulation of the LCA
13(5)
LCA and its consequences
18(7)
The V S O / V O S Alternation In Spanish
25(46)
Introduction
25(1)
The V S O and V O S order in Spanish
26(4)
The V S O order
26(3)
The V O S order
29(1)
The analysis of V S O and V O S
30(4)
The asymmetries
34(23)
Binding
34(1)
Quantifier binding
34(4)
Principle C effects
38(1)
Reconstruction effects
39(3)
Post-verbal wh-elements
42(4)
Interpretation of indefinites
46(4)
The distribution of post-verbal subject pronouns
50(2)
Doubling with indirect objects
52(5)
Conclusion
57(14)
Focus and Post-Verbal Subjects In Romance
71(48)
Introduction
71(1)
Distribution of Post-verbal subjects in Italian, Catalan and French
72(11)
The V O S order
72(1)
V S DP (object)
73(1)
V S PP (complement)
74(3)
V S Adj
77(2)
V S Adv (de-adjectival)
79(1)
V S INF
80(1)
V S CP
81(2)
Distribution of post-verbal subjects in Spanish
83(2)
Post-verbal subjects in Neutral Phrase
85(2)
Post-verbal subjects in Focus Phrase
87(5)
Scrambling
87(2)
Light Predicate Raising (LPR)
89(3)
Proposal: LPR with Post-verbal subjects
92(3)
Consequences for nonarguments
95(4)
Consequences for arguments
99(4)
LPR and C-commanding of arguments
102(1)
Spanish V O S order
103(3)
Comparing LPR to the right adjunction alternative
106(5)
Conclusion
111(8)
Inversion In Interrogatives In Spanish And Catalan
119(32)
Introduction
119(2)
Antisymmetry and the landing site of clitics
121(3)
The position of the post-verbal subjects in interrogatives
124(5)
Auxiliaries and Vpp
125(1)
Catalan and the position of subjects
126(2)
Floating quantifiers
128(1)
V-to-C and the ``free inversion'' construction
129(2)
Piedmontese
131(1)
The obligatoriness of inversion in Interrogatives in Spanish and Catalan
132(10)
A-Minimality
132(2)
A-bar minimality
134(3)
Head movement: Movement of the complementizer
137(5)
Conclusion
142(1)
Appendix
143(8)
Left Dislocated Subjects And Pro-Drop
151(40)
Introduction
151(3)
Empirical evidence
154(13)
Ellipsis
154(3)
Quantifier extraction.
157(1)
Negative quantifiers
157(3)
Extraction of wh-elements
160(3)
The scope of quantifiers in preverbal position
163(4)
Dislocated subjects. Previous accounts
167(6)
Non Polysynthetic Approaches
167(2)
Polysynthetic approaches
169(4)
Person Agreement as a clitic
173(11)
Morphological evidence
181(3)
Conclusion
184(7)
References 191(14)
Index 205
Francisco Ordonez