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El. knyga: Motivated Syntax of Arbitrary Signs: Cognitive constraints on Spanish clitic clustering

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This detailed study challenges the claim that syntax is arbitrary and autonomous, as well as the assumption that Spanish clitic clusters constitute grammaticalized units. Diverse--apparently unrelated--restrictions on clitic clustering in both simplex VP's and Accusative cum Infinitive structures are shown to be cognitively motivated, given the meaning of the individual clitics, and the compositional/interpretative routines those meanings motivate. The analysis accounts, in coherent and principled fashion, for the absolute non-occurrence of some clusters, and the interpretation-dependent acceptability of all remaining clitic combinations: cluster acceptability depends on the ease with which the given clitic combination can be processed to yield a congruent message; there is no point in combining clitics whose meanings preclude speedy processing of the cluster. The monograph goes beyond previous work on Spanish clitics in its wealth of data, the range of syntactic phenomena discussed, and its analytic scope.

Recenzijos

[ ...] a fundamental study that contributes to the understanding of Spanish clitics and manages to go beyond previous analyses. It constitutes an insightful criticism to the hypotheses of the autonomy and arbitariness of syntax. -- Jaime Peńa, University of Oregon, in Studies in Language, Vol.34:3 (2010)

In memoriam xiii
Erica C. Garcia
Acknowledgements xv
Introduction
1(34)
Absolute non-occurrences and the arbitrariness of syntax
3(5)
Pinker's account of ``negative'' exceptions
4(3)
Syntactic and morphological non-occurrences
7(1)
Arbitrariness and conventionality in Usage-based Grammar
8(4)
Constructions and syntactic arbitrariness
9(1)
Usage-based Grammar and relative frequency of use
10(2)
Syntax as compositional routines
12(8)
Inference: the key to syntactic computation
13(1)
Syntax as iconic mapping
14(2)
Accounting for syntactic variation and ``negative exceptions''
16(3)
Analytic implications
19(1)
The non-arbitrary compositionality of Spanish clitic clusters
20(15)
PART I. The morphological roots of Spanish clitic syntax
The problem: Unacceptable clitic clusters
35(14)
The problematic clusters
36(4)
Absolutely non-occurring cluster, with clitic alternative: le lo
37(1)
Absolutely non-occurring cluster, lacking clitic alternative: se se
37(1)
Interpretation-dependent unacceptable clusters
37(1)
me le
38(1)
se le
39(1)
se me lo
39(1)
The nature of the problem
40(1)
Previous handling of the issue(s)
41(3)
le lo vs. OK spur. se lo
41(1)
se se
42(1)
me (Acc) le (Dat) + non-coreferential subject
42(1)
spur. se + le vs. OK refl. se + le
43(1)
spur. se + me (Dat) + lo (Acc)
44(1)
The challenge
44(5)
The communicative value of clitic reference
49(18)
The verbal complex (= VC)
50(1)
The participancy oppositions
51(4)
Focus
52(1)
Case
52(2)
Case and the nature of the event
54(1)
Case-categorization
55(12)
Central vs. Peripheral case
55(5)
Variably Peripheral involvements
60(7)
Basic clitic syntax
67(28)
Double mention, role-levelling, and event-introversion
67(9)
Introversion of transitive events
71(1)
Introversion of intransitive events
72(2)
Semantic versatility of double mention
74(2)
Clitic vs. non-clitic reference
76(3)
Lexical reference: Bare noun phrases
76(1)
Prepositional phrases, a-phrases
77(2)
``Understood'' participants
79(1)
Cumulation of clitic and extra-verbal reference
79(16)
(Im)possibility of duplicate reference
81(2)
Pragmatic motivation of clitic duplication
83(1)
Factors conditioning reference-duplication
84(1)
Lexical vs. pronominal a-phrase
84(1)
Variable obligatoriness of clitic reference with diverse Dat roles
85(2)
Clitic duplication as an inferential manoeuvre
87(8)
Variable clitic-cluster acceptability
95(36)
Participancy and case-categorization
95(4)
Participant vs. non-participant involvement
95(2)
Central vs. Peripheral participation
97(2)
Interpretation of case-neutral clitics
99(1)
The interpretation of clitic clusters
99(1)
Centrifugal events: Dative + Accusative participants
100(7)
1st vs. 3*rd ps participants
100(1)
IInd vs. 3*rd ps Dative in me le cluster
101(1)
Relative activeness of the Dat under single mention of the p.i.f.
102(1)
Role of the 1st person
102(1)
1st person as double mentioned p.i.f.
103(1)
Relative activeness of the Dat under double mention of the p.i.f.
103(2)
Person of the double-mentioned p.i.f., plus 3*rd ps Dat
105(1)
Asymmetry between 1st/2nd and 3rd person p.i.f
105(1)
Person of the Dat with a distinct human DO, under single mention
106(1)
Clitic vs. a-phrase reference for distinct Dat vs. Acc
106(1)
1st vs. 2nd ps participants
107(1)
Distinct 3*rd ps participants
108(1)
Same 3*rd person in both Dative and Accusative roles
108(1)
Syntagmatic differentiation of Peripheral roles
109(6)
All Dat participants distinct from the p.i.f.
110(3)
Multiple Dat role/referent allotment under double mention
113(2)
Clitic clustering in centripetal events
115(6)
Subject Complement (SC) plus Peripheral roles
115(1)
Distinct DO plus Object Complement (OC)
116(1)
Double mention of the p.i.f. and S/O Complementation
117(1)
Subject Complement + double mention as Peripheral involvement of the p.i.f.
118(1)
Event introversion + Subject Complement
119(1)
Double mentioned p.i.f in a DO role + Object Complement
119(2)
Summary and partial conclusions
121(10)
Accounting for all the uses of Sp. se
131(26)
The problem(s)
131(3)
Unsatisfactory accounts
132(2)
The number of se's in Modern Spanish
134(2)
One vs. two
134(1)
Two or three?
134(2)
The unitary meaning of se
136(1)
Three inferential routines
136(14)
Case-based identification of se's positive referent: the se + lo cluster
137(3)
``Spurious'' se and the migrant pl. -s
140(1)
The absolute non-occurrence of *le lo.
141(1)
Cognitive economy and the lelo/selo contrast
142(1)
Self-salience of 3rd ps p.i.f.'s
143(2)
Focus defeasing by impersonal se
145(1)
The pragmatic value of imp. se.
146(1)
The morpho-syntactic need for se
146(1)
The inferential mechanics of focus defeasing
147(3)
Contrasting the analyses
150(7)
Accounting for the non-uses of Sp. se
157(28)
The variable acceptability of se me lo V3
157(4)
Negative reference of se: imp. se + me lo
158(1)
Positive reference of Dat se: se lo + me
158(3)
Non-uses of se
161(1)
Impossible reference by se to a 3*rd person
161(1)
Impossible * se se clusters
162(1)
Context-dependence of se's diverse interpretations
163(5)
se V3sg
163(1)
se V3sg NP
164(1)
se lo V3sg
164(1)
se lo V3sg: imp. se vs. refl. se
165(1)
se lo V3sg: imp. se vs. spur. se
166(2)
The interpretation of se in non-finite VC's
168(2)
Independent support for the analysis of se
170(4)
Clitic duplication and the positive/negative reference of se
170(1)
Clitic order
171(1)
Cliticization of se in auxiliary periphrases
171(3)
Disjoint se.....se sequences in auxiliary periphrases
174(11)
Focus-defeasing se followed by positively referring se
175(1)
Consecutive positive interpretations of se
176(9)
PART II. Clitic distribution in complex Verb-Phrases
The syntactic structure of AcI's
185(14)
Cliticization in complex VP's
185(1)
AcI's as complex VP's
186(1)
Semanto-syntactic indeterminacy in AcI's
187(1)
AcI-roles: shared participants
188(2)
Clitic vs. lexical reference to AcI-roles
190(2)
Conflicting pressures on clitic clustering at Vx
192(7)
Clitic syntax in AcI's
199(12)
Case-categorization in AcI's
199(4)
Context-sensitiveness of M's case-variability
201(2)
Concatenation vs. conflation of AcI's
203(8)
Iconic concatenation
203(1)
Pragmatic conflation
204(1)
Non-equivalence of different AcI formulations
205(1)
A barrier to climbing
205(1)
Semanto-pragmatic distinctness of conflated and non-conflated variants
205(6)
Clitic placement in AcI's
211(22)
AcI-role ranking
211(1)
Role/referent allotment in dynamic transitive AcI's: M + Oa clusters
212(4)
Oa at Vx with a tacit M
214(1)
Uniconic backgrounding of M
214(2)
Conflation in static AcI's
216(1)
me le revisited
217(2)
Reference at Vx to the Od of dynamic Inf's
219(7)
M + Od (=IO) with a further DO (Oa)
220(3)
M + Od with verbs of communication
223(2)
Od at Vx with a tacit M
225(1)
Summary: clitic clustering in centrifugal AcI's
226(1)
Clitic placement in AcI's with copulative events
227(6)
Parecer `to seem' as Inf
228(5)
Complex role/referent allotment in AcI's
233(32)
Double-mention of M
233(4)
Variable double mention of M
234(2)
M's double mention and clitic fronting
236(1)
S in a non-focus AcI-role
237(14)
S = O, tacit M
239(3)
Heterogenous clusters with S in a non-focus AcI-role
242(1)
Static AcI: =SDr + M
243(1)
Static AcI: =SM + Dr
243(1)
Dynamic AcI: =SM + O
244(2)
Dynamic transitive AcI: =SO + M
246(2)
S = O, double mentioned M
248(1)
Static AcI's: S = Dr
248(1)
Dynamic AcI's: S = O
249(1)
Indeterminate double mention of M
250(1)
AcI's and ``clitic climbing''
251(3)
AcI's and recursiveness
254(11)
Clitic placement in AcI's and their look-alikes
265(24)
The syntactic relation of Inf to Vx
265(3)
Auxiliary periphrases
268(4)
Vx + [ Z] + Inf auxiliary periphrases
270(2)
``Control'' structures
272(3)
Vx + [ Z] + Inf Control structures
274(1)
Between control structures and AcI's
275(4)
observar `to observe'
275(1)
mandar `to send, order'
276(2)
mirar `to look at, watch'
278(1)
The place of AcI's in the syn-tactic landscape
279(10)
Summary and conclusions
289(8)
Summary
289(2)
General discussion
291(1)
The nature of syntax and the nature of language
291(2)
Conclusion
293(4)
Abbreviations 297(1)
Glossary 298(9)
References 307(19)
Corpus 326(3)
Name index 329(4)
Subject index 333
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