The Politics of Preventing Violent Extremism is built around the novel contention that citizens are vulnerable to extremist ideologies which warp their perceptions, desires, and actions.
'Preventing Violent Extremism' policies have surged in the post 9/11 era - with most nations and International Organisations now implementing some form of 'PVE'. The Politics of Preventing Violent Extremism is built around the novel contention that citizens are vulnerable to extremist ideologies which warp their perceptions, desires, and actions. This is a fundamental reworking of how governments have understood their citizens; modernist assumptions about a rational decision-making subject have given way to understandings of a vulnerable subject who can, under pressure, be captured by extremist ideologies and turn towards subversive, even terrorist, actions.
The book explores the emergence and variation of PVE policies, using case studies from Britain, France, Norway, Finland, Croatia, Czechia, and Lithuania. Across Western, Northern, Central, and Eastern Europe, different tools are used to protect the citizenry from extremist influences and to reclaim their allegiance. Conceptions of civil society are particularly important for this work; civil society denotes a space outside direct government control where norms and values are shaped. This is where, for the PVE agenda, extremism lurks. In some countries, deep and exaggerated concerns are expressed by officials about the hostile takeover of societal space by extremist actors. In other countries, the threat to civil society is framed in more insidious terms as the failure of integrating migrants within society, and the exclusion and 'outsiderness' that results, rather than deliberate attempts by extremists to colonise civil society space. This book demonstrates how PVE measures are shaped by national and regional conceptions of civil society and political culture, varying between highly individualised pre-crime referral programs in Britian, to integration-focused programs enacted by welfare state actors in the Nordics, to the absence of pre-crime interventions in constitutional republics like France, and the historic democracy protection agenda of Czechia.
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