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El. knyga: Romance Interrogative Syntax: Formal and typological dimensions of variation

(University of Cambridge)
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"This monograph offers an innovative understanding of the mechanisms involved in Romance 'optional' wh-in situ. New supporting evidence in favour of Cable's (2010) Grammar of Q is presented, as well as novel implementations of his original theory. In particular, it is claimed that wh-in situ idioms are characterised not only by language-specific choices between QP-projection and Q-adjunction, and between overt and covert movement of Q, but also in terms of the locus where they check the features relevantto wh-questions: while some languages check both [ q] and [ focus] in C, others make use of the clause-internal vP-periphery to check [ focus]. Thanks to the vast amount of data presented and discussed, along with the predictions and theoretical contributions made, this monograph will be of interest to a wide range of specialists in human language, from typologists to Romance specialists and formal syntacticians, but also to the many experts in languages with overt Q-particles who wonder why Romance specialists have long been so resistant to the implementation of silent Q-particles in their theoretical models"--

This monograph offers an innovative understanding of the mechanisms involved in Romance ‘optional’ wh-in situ. New supporting evidence in favour of Cable’s (2010) Grammar of Q is presented, as well as novel implementations of his original theory. In particular, it is claimed that wh-in situ idioms are characterised not only by language-specific choices between Q-projection and Q-adjunction, and between overt and covert movement of Q, but also in terms of the locus where they check the features relevant to wh-questions: while some languages check both [ q] and [ focus] in C, others make use of the clause-internal vP-periphery to check [ focus]. Thanks to the vast amount of data presented and discussed, along with the predictions and theoretical contributions made, this monograph will be of interest to a wide range of specialists in human language, from typologists to Romance specialists and formal syntacticians, but also to the many experts in languages with overt Q-particles who wonder why Romance specialists have long been so resistant to the implementation of silent Q-particles in their theoretical models.
Acknowledgements xi
Conventions xiii
Abbreviations xiii
Projections (and X'-related notations) xiv
Introduction 1(22)
0.1 Interrogative wh-movement
4(5)
0.2 Venetan and novel data from Trevisan
9(9)
0.2.1 The interrogative syntax of Trevisan
10(6)
0.2.2 Problems, questions, and preliminary answers
16(2)
0.3 Central claims of the book
18(5)
Chapter 1 Wh-in situ in Northern Italian dialects
23(32)
Organisation of this chapter
28(1)
1.1 Single wh-in situ
28(6)
1.1.1 Wh-in situ in matrix questions
29(1)
1.1.2 Wh-in situ in embedded questions
30(1)
1.1.2.1 Long-distance construals
30(2)
1.1.2.2 Wh-in situ in indirect questions
32(2)
1.2 Different patterns of wh-doubling
34(10)
1.2.1 Configuration A: Fronted clitic wh-pronoun
35(1)
1.2.1.1 Matrix wh-questions
35(1)
1.2.1.2 Embedded wh-questions
36(1)
1.2.2 Configuration B: Fronted non-clitic wh-pronoun
37(1)
1.2.2.1 Matrix wh-questions
37(1)
1.2.2.2 Embedded wh-questions
38(1)
1.2.3 Configuration C: Fronted invariable wh-operator
39(1)
1.2.3.1 Matrix wh-questions
39(1)
1.2.4 Regularities in the distribution of wh-doubling
40(4)
1.3 Wh-in situ-related patterns in Northern Italian dialects
44(7)
1.3.1 Distribution of subject-clitic inversion
44(2)
1.3.2 Distribution of Wh-phrases
46(1)
1.3.2.1 Wh-in situ: The Bellunese type
47(3)
1.3.2.2 Wh-in situ: The Trevisan and Lombard types
50(1)
1.4 Intermediate remarks
51(4)
Chapter 2 On short movement of clause-internal wh-elements: Wh-to-Foc
55(36)
Organisation of this chapter
61(1)
2.1 Characterising Wh-to-Foc
62(10)
2.1.1 Free subject inversion and the pro-drop parameter
62(3)
2.1.2 Are clause-internal wh-elements moved?
65(4)
2.1.3 Which spec is targeted by clause-internally moved wh-elements?
69(3)
2.2 Checking C in the presence of Wh-to-Foc: Preliminary investigation
72(16)
2.2.1 On [ wh]- and [ q]-features
73(2)
2.2.2 On bipartite wh-words
75(2)
2.2.2.1 On the illegitimacy of an extension of interrogative CIPs to all Northern Italian dialects
77(2)
2.2.3 The grammar of Q and consequences for optional wh-in situ
79(1)
2.2.3.1 Cable's (2010) `Grammar of Q'
80(3)
2.2.3.2 Extending the theory of Q to Trevisan wh-fronting
83(3)
2.2.3.3 Legitimacy of sub-extraction out of frozen wh-elements
86(2)
2.3 Intermediate remarks
88(3)
Chapter 3 Wh-to-Foc is focus-driven
91(40)
Organisation of this chapter
93(1)
3.1 A typologically interesting type between full moving and in situ languages
93(15)
3.1.1 Malayalam
93(2)
3.1.2 Bangla and Hindi-Urdu
95(2)
3.1.3 Bantu languages
97(5)
3.1.4 Greek (multiple wh-questions)
102(4)
3.1.5 Persian
106(2)
3.2 The short movement of clause-internal wh-elements is focus-movement
108(18)
3.2.1 Kahnemuyipour's (2001) work on Persian focus-movement
108(3)
3.2.1.1 Arguments in favour of focus movement
111(1)
3.2.1.2 Arguments in favour of movement to specvp
112(3)
3.2.2 The role of [ foc] in Trevisan fake wh-in situ
115(1)
3.2.2.1 The parallelism between contrastive focus and clause-internally moved wh-elements
115(6)
3.2.2.2 Trevisan wh-in situ and the roles of [ foc], [ q], and [ wh]
121(5)
3.3 Intermediate conclusions
126(5)
Chapter 4 More on Trevisan wh-in situ
131(32)
Organisation of this chapter
133(1)
4.1 On wh-in situ in indirect wh-questions
134(13)
4.1.1 Thoughts on the syntax of seWH and wh-doubling
136(3)
4.1.2 Functional elements in the lower Left Periphery
139(3)
4.1.3 SeWH licenses an interrogative operator in SpecIntP
142(3)
4.1.4 Concluding remarks
145(2)
4.2 On wh-in situ within islands
147(16)
4.2.1 Trevisan strong islands and the puzzling optionality of subject-clitic inversion
147(2)
4.2.2 Massive pied-piping of strong islands
149(1)
4.2.2.1 Application to Trevisan strong islands
150(3)
4.2.3 Wh-phrases are bare within strong islands, but not within weak islands
153(3)
4.2.4 English limited pied-piping vs Trevisan tlingit-like syntax
156(5)
4.2.5 Concluding remarks
161(2)
Chapter 5 On the theory of Romance wh-in situ
163(58)
Organisation of this chapter
165(1)
5.1 Type-specific analyses: Moving further!
165(18)
5.1.1 Left-peripheral fake wh-in situ
166(2)
5.1.1.1 Why wh-movement?
168(2)
5.1.1.2 When the whole ip moves to the Left Periphery
170(5)
5.1.2 ip-internal real wh-in situ
175(1)
5.1.2.1 Evidence against wh-movement
175(2)
5.1.2.2 Northern italian wh-in situ is real wh-in situ
177(1)
5.1.3 The Trevisan data in the theory of Northern Italian wh-in situ
178(5)
5.2 Beyond Northern Italian dialects
183(12)
5.2.1 Sentence final (requirement). Or not?
183(2)
5.2.2 (Optional) TP-internal wh-movement
185(2)
5.2.3 Embedded wh-in situ
187(1)
5.2.3.1 Long-distance questions
187(1)
5.2.3.2 Indirect questions
188(1)
5.2.4 Sensitivity to islands
189(1)
5.2.4.1 Contemporary Spoken French
190(2)
5.2.4.2 Spanish and Portuguese
192(3)
5.3 Features responsible for Northern Italian wh-in situ(s)
195(17)
5.3.1 Pure wh-in situ
195(2)
5.3.2 Three types of wh-in situ
197(1)
5.3.2.1 Mixed pictures of wh-movement and wh-scoping
198(4)
5.3.2.2 Variables and types of Northern Italian in situ/ex situ alternation
202(2)
5.3.3 Wh-to-Foc and the theory of Northern Italian wh-in situ
204(1)
5.3.3.1 Trevisan and similar varieties (type I): qp and Q-adjunction, plus focus movement
204(3)
5.3.3.2 Lombard-like varieties (type II): Mixed languages with different availability of EPP in FocLOw
207(1)
5.3.3.3 Bellunese (type III): A mixed language with a [ wh]-feature in QembP...or something else?
208(4)
5.4 Concluding remarks
212(9)
Conclusions 221(16)
References 237(14)
Index 251
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