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El. knyga: Syntax-Prosody Interface: A cartographic perspective with evidence from Italian

(University of Geneva)
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This book presents an experimental and theoretical investigation of the interplay between information structure, word order alternations, and prosody in Italian. Left/right dislocations, focus fronting, and other reordering phenomena are analyzed, taking into account their morphosyntactic and prosodic properties. It is argued that a restricted set of discourse-related properties are inserted in the numeration as formal features. These discourse-related features drive the syntactic derivation and the formation of the prosodic representation in compliance with the T-model of grammar. Based on the cartographic approach, this study proposes a model of the syntax–prosody interface in which the phonological computation of prosody is fed by syntactically encoded properties of information structure. However, this computation is also governed by structural requirements intrinsic to the phonological domain, and thus, a bijective relation between information structure and prosodic representation is not guaranteed. The monograph will be of interest to any linguist concerned with syntax, information structure, and prosody.
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction 1(4)
Chapter 1 The cartographic approach and the left periphery of the clause in Italian
5(22)
1.1 The cartographic approach
6(2)
1.2 Background: The fine structure of the left periphery in Italian
8(14)
1.2.1 Some properties opposing topic and focus in the left periphery in Italian
15(7)
1.3 The criterial model
22(5)
Chapter 2 The right periphery of the clause
27(26)
2.1 Postverbal focus
29(3)
2.2 (Clitic) Right Dislocation
32(21)
2.2.1 (Clitic) Right Dislocation is not a device to assign focus
34(5)
2.2.2 Right-Dislocated Topics are clause-internal topics
39(14)
Chapter 3 Crosslinguistic variation: Uniqueness versus multiplicity of focus
53(22)
3.1 Alternative semantics and focus in Italian
54(9)
3.1.1 Alternative semantics for focus
54(2)
3.1.2 Farmer's sentences
56(7)
3.2 Issues on uniqueness of focus
63(12)
3.2.1 Focus-sensitive operators and uniqueness of focus
63(5)
3.2.2 Focus uniqueness, focus coordination
68(4)
3.2.3 Some speculations on uniqueness of focus and crosslinguistic variation
72(3)
Chapter 4 Focus on subjects in preverbal position
75(16)
4.1 Two hypotheses
75(3)
4.2 Contrastive focalization in Rural Florentine
78(2)
4.3 Ne-cliticization test
80(2)
4.4 Focused preverbal subjects and Weak Crossover
82(4)
4.5 Focused subjects, Principle C, and reconstruction
86(3)
4.6 Discussion and conclusion
89(2)
Chapter 5 Focus on Topics: The strange case of Contrastively Focused Left Dislocated Topics
91(20)
5.1 The strange case of Contrastively Focused Left Dislocated Topics
91(1)
5.2 Contexts for Contrastively Focused Left Dislocation
92(2)
5.3 Contrastive Focus Left Dislocation is not contrastive topicalization
94(3)
5.4 Contrastively Focused Left Dislocation as Clitic Left Dislocated Topics prosodically focused in situ?
97(3)
5.5 Focus, Topic, and Contrastively Focused Left Dislocation in reduced left peripheries
100(3)
5.6 Analysis of Contrastively Focused Left Dislocation: Head movement from Top° to Foc°
103(3)
5.7 Postfocal Clitic Left Dislocated Topics, definiteness, and CFLD
106(2)
5.8 Conclusion
108(3)
Chapter 6 From syntax to prosody
111(82)
6.1 Introduction to prosody
111(2)
6.2 Mapping rules
113(7)
6.2.1 Two sets of rules
114(1)
6.2.2 Default mapping rules
115(2)
6.2.3 Feature-sensitive mapping rules
117(2)
6.2.4 A note on the notion of nuclear pitch accent
119(1)
6.3 Experimental procedures and corpora
120(6)
6.3.1 Experiment A
120(1)
6.3.2 Experiment B
121(5)
6.4 Pitch accents and types of focus
126(15)
6.4.1 L+H* on Contrastive Focus
129(3)
6.4.2 H+L* on broad and narrow informational focus
132(5)
6.4.3 Theoretical implications
137(1)
6.4.4 The last pitch accent of the focus constituent and the projection of focus
138(3)
6.5 The Focus Defining Rule and the role of L* in Tuscan Italian
141(15)
6.5.1 The pitch contour on postfocal material
141(7)
6.5.2 L*-association is ruled by the linear position of focus
148(8)
6.6 Focus and phrasing
156(6)
6.7 Focus, main prominence, and main wh-questions in Italian
162(10)
6.8 On the phonetic reality of postfocal phrasal heads
172(12)
6.9 On the (non-)isomorphism between the prosodic representation and the syntactic and information structure
184(5)
6.10 Summary
189(4)
References 193(16)
Index 209
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