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Understanding Phonology [Kietas viršelis]

(Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands), (Radboud University of Nijmegen, Holland)
  • Formatas: Hardback, 297 pages, aukštis x plotis: 156x234 mm, weight: 502 g, Illustrations
  • Serija: Understanding Language
  • Išleidimo metai: 27-Mar-1998
  • Leidėjas: Hodder Arnold
  • ISBN-10: 0340692170
  • ISBN-13: 9780340692172
Kitos knygos pagal šią temą:
Understanding PhonologyDidesnis paveikslėlis
  • Formatas: Hardback, 297 pages, aukštis x plotis: 156x234 mm, weight: 502 g, Illustrations
  • Serija: Understanding Language
  • Išleidimo metai: 27-Mar-1998
  • Leidėjas: Hodder Arnold
  • ISBN-10: 0340692170
  • ISBN-13: 9780340692172
Kitos knygos pagal šią temą:
Pastovi nuoroda: https://www.kriso.lt/db/9780340692172.html
Raktažodžiai:
An introduction to phonology which assumes little or no background in the subject. This volume presents the most recent theories in the field and provides an introduction to Optimality Theory. Topics covered include: ordered rules; the diminutive suffix in Dutch; representing tone; stress; a nd iambic and trochaic rhythm in Optimality Theory. Examples are included throughout the book.
Preface xi
1 The production of speech
1(18)
1.1 Introduction
1(1)
1.2 The lungs and the larynx
2(4)
1.2.1 The vocal cords: the open and vibrating glottis
3(1)
1.2.2 Devoicing and aspiration
4(1)
1.2.3 Special types of phonation
4(1)
1.2.4 Pitch
5(1)
1.2.5 The glottal stop
6(1)
1.3 The vocal tract
6(2)
1.3.1 The pharynx
7(1)
1.3.2 The nasal cavity
8(1)
1.3.3 The mouth
8(1)
1.4 Vowels
8(2)
1.5 Constrictions
10(3)
1.5.1 Places of articulation
10(1)
1.5.2 Types of constriction
11(2)
1.6 Segmental duration
13(2)
1.7 Complex consonants
15(1)
1.7.1 Secondary articulations
15(1)
1.7.2 Double articulations
15(1)
1.7.3 Manner-contour consonants
16(1)
1.8 Nonpulmonic consonants
16(1)
1.9 Stress
17(1)
1.10 Conclusion
17(2)
2 Some typology: sameness and difference
19(19)
2.1 Introduction
19(1)
2.2 Morphosyntactic structure
19(3)
2.2.1 Morphological structure
19(1)
2.2.2 Syntactic structure
20(2)
2.3 A world without phonological structure
22(5)
2.3.1 One phonology for all languages?
24(1)
2.3.2 Two kinds of structure
25(2)
2.4 There's a difference
27(2)
2.5 Universals and implicational relations
29(6)
2.5.1 Plain or special?
31(1)
2.5.2 Avoiding complexity
32(1)
2.5.3 A word of caution
33(1)
2.5.4 System gaps
33(1)
2.6 The aims of phonology
35(1)
2.7 Conclusion
36(2)
3 Making the form fit
38(16)
3.1 Introduction
38(1)
3.2 Hawaiian
39(1)
3.3 Adjustment processes
40(5)
3.3.1 The process of nativization
40(4)
3.3.2 Adjustments in the native vocabulary
44(1)
3.4 Two approaches
45(5)
3.4.1 Rules
45(1)
3.4.2 Constraints
46(4)
3.5 Choosing between rules and constraints
50(3)
3.5.1 Gradient violation and unranked constraints
52(1)
3.6 Conclusion
53(1)
4 Underlying and surface representations
54(10)
4.1 Introduction
54(1)
4.2 Allophonic variation
54(3)
4.3 Two levels of representation
57(3)
4.4 Neutralization
60(1)
4.5 Choosing the underlying form
61(1)
4.6 Conclusion
62(2)
5 Distinctive features
64(22)
5.1 Introduction
64(1)
5.2 Motivating distinctive features
64(2)
5.3 Feature values
66(1)
5.4 A set of distinctive features
67(7)
5.4.1 Major-class features
67(3)
5.4.2 Laryngeal features
70(1)
5.4.3 Manner features
71(1)
5.4.4 Ambiguity and nonspecification
72(2)
5.5 Place features
74(3)
5.6 Some examples
77(3)
5.7 Redundant vs. contrastive features
80(4)
5.8 Conclusion
84(2)
6 Ordered rules
86(18)
6.1 Introduction
86(1)
6.2 SPE representations
86(2)
6.3 SPE rules
88(4)
6.3.1 Reference to the syllable
89(1)
6.3.2 The brace
89(1)
6.3.3 Variable feature values
90(1)
6.3.4 Parentheses
91(1)
6.3.5 The transformational rule format
91(1)
6.4 Linear order
92(3)
6.5 Extrinsic and intrinsic ordering
95(2)
6.6 Feeding, counterfeeding, bleeding, counterbleeding
97(5)
6.6.1 Feeding order
98(1)
6.6.2 Counterfeeding order
98(1)
6.6.3 Bleeding order
99(1)
6.6.4 Counterbleeding order
99(3)
6.7 Conclusion
102(2)
7 A case study: the diminutive suffix in Dutch
104(12)
7.1 Introduction
104(1)
7.2 General Dutch rules
104(2)
7.2.1 Final devoicing
104(1)
7.2.2 Palatalization
105(1)
7.2.3 Degemination
106(1)
7.3 Standard Dutch
106(3)
7.4 The dialect of Sittard
109(5)
7.5 Conclusion
114(2)
8 Levels of representation
116(19)
8.1 Introduction
116(1)
8.2 Defining an intermediate level of representation
116(3)
8.3 Lexical Phonology
119(4)
8.3.1 Reference to morphological labels
120(1)
8.3.2 Exceptions
120(1)
8.3.3 Structure preservation
121(1)
8.3.4 Native-speaker intuitions
122(1)
8.3.5 Application across word boundaries
122(1)
8.3.6 Lexical rules apply before postlexical rules
123(1)
8.4 Phonological information in the lexicon
123(3)
8.5 Controversial properties of lexical rules
126(2)
8.6 Beyond the surface representation
128(5)
8.6.1 Phonetic implementation
128(1)
8.6.2 Models of implementation
129(2)
8.6.3 Deciding between phonology and phonetic implementation
131(2)
8.7 Conclusion
133(2)
9 Representing tone
135(14)
9.1 Introduction
135(1)
9.2 The inadequacy of a linear model
136(1)
9.3 Word-based tone patterns
137(4)
9.3.1 Language-specific associations
139(2)
9.4 Stability
141(1)
9.5 Postlexical tone
142(1)
9.6 The Obligatory Contour Principle
142(5)
9.6.1 Violating the OCP
144(3)
9.7 Conclusion
147(2)
10 Between the segment and the syllable
149(23)
10.1 Introduction
149(1)
10.2 A skeletal tier
150(1)
10.3 Syllabification: the Maximum Onset Principle
151(2)
10.3.1 The sonority profile
152(1)
10.4 Arguments for the CV tier
153(7)
10.4.1 The templatic use of the CV tier
153(3)
10.4.2 Unfilled and unassociated slots
156(2)
10.4.3 Compensatory lengthening
158(2)
10.5 Moras
160(5)
10.6 Syllable-based generalizations
165(1)
10.7 Post-MOP syllabification rules
166(5)
10.7.1 Ambisyllabicity in English
167(4)
10.8 Conclusion
171(1)
11 Feature geometry
172(15)
11.1 Introduction
172(1)
11.2 Two properties of assimilations
172(2)
11.3 Natural feature classes
174(1)
11.4 Building a tree
175(5)
11.4.1 The place node
175(1)
11.4.2 The laryngeal node
176(2)
11.4.3 The supralaryngeal node
178(2)
11.5 Spreading and delinking
180(3)
11.5.1 Writing rules
181(2)
11.6 Implications of underspecification
183(3)
11.6.1 Default rules
183(3)
11.7 Conclusion
186(1)
12 Exploiting the feature tree
187(19)
12.1 Introduction
187(1)
12.2 Long-distance assimilation
187(7)
12.2.1 Vowel harmony
191(3)
12.3 Complex segments
194(10)
12.3.1 Evidence for complex segments
197(2)
12.3.2 The representation of palatals and palatoalveolars
199(3)
12.3.3 Distinguishing among palatoalveolars
202(2)
12.4 Conclusion
204(2)
13 Stress and feet
206(15)
13.1 Introduction
206(1)
13.2 The phonological nature of stress
206(3)
13.2.1 Metrical feet and feet in poetry
207(2)
13.3 Stress as an absolute property of segments: linear phonology
209(3)
13.4 Stress as relative prominence: nonlinear phonology
212(8)
13.4.1 A parametric theory of relative prominence
212(2)
13.4.2 Four types of bounded stress system
214(6)
13.5 Conclusion
220(1)
14 Further constraining stress
221(18)
14.1 Introduction
221(1)
14.2 Iambic and trochaic rhythm
221(6)
14.3 Foot-based rules
227(4)
14.3.1 Quantitative adjustments
227(1)
14.3.2 Foot-based segmental rules
228(3)
14.4 Stress and morphology
231(2)
14.5 Stress and Optimality Theory
233(5)
14.5.1 Constraining stress
234(4)
14.6 Conclusion
238(1)
15 Phonology above the word
239(17)
15.1 Introduction
239(1)
15.2 The case for prosodic constituency
239(10)
15.2.1 The phonological utterance
243(1)
15.2.2 The intonational phrase
243(2)
15.2.3 The phonological phrase
245(2)
15.2.4 The phonological word
247(2)
15.3 Deriving prosodic constituents
249(5)
15.3.1 Clitics
250(2)
15.3.2 The syntactic residue
252(2)
15.4 Prosodic constituency below the phonological word
254(1)
15.5 Conclusion
255(1)
Epilogue 256(2)
Key to questions 258(7)
References 265(12)
Language index 277(6)
Subject index 283