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Public Broadcasting and Political Interference [Kietas viršelis]

  • Formatas: Hardback, 232 pages, aukštis x plotis: 234x156 mm, weight: 590 g, 4 Tables, black and white; 9 Line drawings, black and white; 9 Illustrations, black and white
  • Serija: Routledge Research in Political Communication
  • Išleidimo metai: 28-Apr-2011
  • Leidėjas: Routledge
  • ISBN-10: 0415665523
  • ISBN-13: 9780415665520
Kitos knygos pagal šią temą:
  • Formatas: Hardback, 232 pages, aukštis x plotis: 234x156 mm, weight: 590 g, 4 Tables, black and white; 9 Line drawings, black and white; 9 Illustrations, black and white
  • Serija: Routledge Research in Political Communication
  • Išleidimo metai: 28-Apr-2011
  • Leidėjas: Routledge
  • ISBN-10: 0415665523
  • ISBN-13: 9780415665520
Kitos knygos pagal šią temą:

Public broadcasters, like the BBC and the Italian broadcaster RAI, are some of the most important media organisations in the world. Politicians are often tempted to interfere in the workings of these broadcasters and when this happens, the results are highly controversial, as both the Blair and Berlusconi governments have discovered.

Public Broadcasting and Political Interference explains why some broadcasters are good at resisting politicians’ attempts at interference, and have won a reputation for independence – and why other broadcasters have failed to do the same. It takes a comparative approach of broadcasters in different countries, including the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain and Sweden arguing political independence for public service broadcasters is important because of its contribution to democracy allowing voters alternative sources of information which allow them to choose between electoral alternatives.

The book will be of interest to be of interest to policy-makers, scholars and students of political communication, broadcasting and the media.

List of figures and tables
viii
List of acronyms
ix
Preface xi
PART I The broad picture
1(42)
1 Introduction
3(8)
1 Setting the scene
3(1)
2 What are public service broadcasters?
4(1)
3 What is political independence?
5(1)
4 Why does political independence matter?
6(1)
5 Why do other things matter less?
7(1)
6 What is my explanation of political independence?
8(1)
7 How do I demonstrate these claims?
9(1)
8 Outline of the book
10(1)
2 The broad picture: testing rival theories of independence on 36 public broadcasters
11(32)
1 Measuring independence by proxy
11(4)
2 What explanations exist already?
15(3)
3 My explanation
18(14)
4 Data and model
32(8)
5 Summary
40(3)
PART II Specific cases
43(134)
3 Italy: the absence of Caesars
45(36)
1 Fascism and the post-war period (1924-1960)
47(6)
2 The Bernabei era (1961-1974)
53(4)
3 Reform to reform (1975-1992)
57(11)
4 New hopes dashed (1993-2008)
68(10)
5 Conclusion
78(3)
4 Spain: huge steps forward?
81(8)
1 From dictatorship to transition (1923-1977)
81(1)
2 The early democratic years (1977-1996)
82(4)
3 From Aznar to Zapatero
86(1)
4 Conclusion
87(2)
5 The United Kingdom: "treading delicately like Agag"
89(36)
1 From foundation to competition (1922-1955)
89(16)
2 The years of Butskellism (1954-1979)
105(10)
3 From Thatcher to Blair (1979-2005)
115(8)
4 Conclusion
123(2)
6 Ireland: importing experience
125(11)
1 From 2RN to television (1926-1960)
125(3)
2 Refoundation, confrontation (1960-1976)
128(3)
3 1976 until the present day
131(3)
4 Conclusion
134(2)
7 Sweden: "disturbing neither God nor Hitler"
136(28)
1 An abundance of caution (1922-1955)
138(10)
2 Diplomats and exegetes (1955-1969)
148(8)
3 The centre does not hold (1969-)
156(5)
4 Conclusion
161(3)
8 Denmark: being driven to the left?
164(13)
1 Establishment until the 1950s (1922-1955)
164(2)
2 The 1950s until Vanstervridning (1957-1974)
166(6)
3 The professionalization turn? (1980-)
172(3)
4 Conclusion
175(2)
PART III Comparisons and conclusions
177(20)
9 Comparing the six broadcasters
179(10)
1 The market and professionalization
179(3)
2 The journalists
182(1)
3 Management
183(1)
4 Rules
184(4)
5 Conclusion
188(1)
10 Conclusions
189(8)
1 Reassessing independence
189(2)
2 Reassessing legal protection
191(1)
3 Reassessing the causal chain
192(1)
4 Implications for reform
193(2)
5 Continued relevance
195(2)
Notes 197(5)
References 202(9)
Index 211
Chris Hanretty is Lecturer in Politics at the University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK.